McClellan Rocks White House With Book Revelations
May 27th, 2008The first details are beginning to leak out now from the first “tell-all” book by a former Bush White House staffer, and the news is about what we expected and confirms what we have been reporting for years. Perhaps now more Bush voters will finally get the message.
Former White House Press Secretary Scott McClellan’s new book, What Happened: Inside the Bush White House and Washington’s Culture of Deception, is a “surprisingly scathing memoir,” according to Politico.com. McClellan, who resigned after he found out he was lied to about Karl Rove and Scooter Libby’s involvement in leaking the name of CIA officer Valerie Plame-Wilson in an act of political revenge against her husband Joe Wilson, writes that Bush “veered terribly off course” and he was not “open and forthright on Iraq.” He also confirms what we’ve known all along: The Bush White House, under the political direction of Rove, had a “permanent campaign approach” to governing at the expense of candor and competence.
Among the most explosive revelations in the 341-page book, McClellan charges that Bush relied on “propaganda” to sell the war. He admits that some of his own assertions from the briefing room podium turned out to be “badly misguided.”
The longtime Bush loyalist also suggests that two top aides held a secret West Wing meeting to get their story straight about the CIA leak case at a time when federal prosecutors were after them - and McClellan was continuing to defend them despite mounting evidence they had not given him all the facts. The aides - Karl Rove, the president’s senior political adviser, and Libby, the vice president’s chief of staff - “had at best misled” him about their role in the disclosure of former CIA operative Valerie Plame’s identity.
He also says the White House press corps was too easy on the administration during the run-up to the war.
The eagerly awaited book, while recounting many fond memories of Bush and describing him as “authentic” and “sincere,” is harsher than reporters and White House officials had expected, Politico reports.
McClellan was one of the president’s earliest and most loyal political aides, and most of his friends had expected him to take a few swipes at his former colleague in order to sell books but also to paint a largely affectionate portrait.
Instead, McClellan’s tone is often harsh. He writes, for example, that after Hurricane Katrina, the White House “spent most of the first week in a state of denial,” and he blames Rove for suggesting the photo of the president comfortably observing the disaster during an Air Force One flyover. McClellan says he and counselor to the president Dan Bartlett had opposed the idea and thought it had been scrapped. But he writes that he later was told that “Karl was convinced we needed to do it - and the president agreed.”
“One of the worst disasters in our nation’s history became one of the biggest disasters in Bush’s presidency. Katrina and the botched federal response to it would largely come to define Bush’s second term,” McClellan writes. “And the perception of this catastrophe was made worse by previous decisions President Bush had made, including, first and foremost, the failure to be open and forthright on Iraq and rushing to war with inadequate planning and preparation for its aftermath.”
McClellan was press secretary from July 2003 to April 2006.
Bush and his advisers, McClellan writes. “confused the propaganda campaign with the high level of candor and honesty so fundamentally needed to build and then sustain public support during a time of war. … In this regard, he was terribly ill-served by his top advisers, especially those involved directly in national security.”
The book begins with McClellan’s statement to the press that he had talked with Rove and Libby and that they had assured him they “were not involved in … the leaking of classified information.”
At Libby’s trial, testimony showed the two had talked with reporters about the officer, however elliptically.
“I had allowed myself to be deceived into unknowingly passing along a falsehood,” McClellan writes. “It would ultimately prove fatal to my ability to serve the president effectively. I didn’t learn that what I’d said was untrue until the media began to figure it out almost two years later.
“Neither, I believe, did President Bush. He, too, had been deceived and therefore became unwittingly involved in deceiving me. But the top White House officials who knew the truth - including Rove, Libby and possibly Vice President Cheney - allowed me, even encouraged me, to repeat a lie.”
McClellan also suggests that Libby and Rove secretly colluded to get their stories straight at a time when federal investigators were hot on the Plame case.
“There is only one moment during the leak episode that I am reluctant to discuss,” he writes. “It was in 2005, during a time when attention was focusing on Rove and Libby, and it sticks vividly in my mind. … Following [a meeting in Chief of Staff Andy Card’s office], … Scooter Libby was walking to the entryway as he prepared to depart when Karl turned to get his attention. ‘You have time to visit?’ Karl asked. ‘Yeah,’ replied Libby.
“I have no idea what they discussed, but it seemed suspicious for these two, whom I had never noticed spending any one-on-one time together, to go behind closed doors and visit privately. … At least one of them, Rove, it was publicly known at the time, had at best misled me by not sharing relevant information, and credible rumors were spreading that the other, Libby, had done at least as much. …
“The confidential meeting also occurred at a moment when I was being battered by the press for publicly vouching for the two by claiming they were not involved in leaking Plame’s identity, when recently revealed information was now indicating otherwise. … I don’t know what they discussed, but what would any knowledgeable person reasonably and logically conclude was the topic? Like the whole truth of people’s involvement, we will likely never know with any degree of confidence.”
McClellan repeatedly embraces the rhetoric of Bush’s liberal critics and even charges: “If anything, the national press corps was probably too deferential to the White House and to the administration in regard to the most important decision facing the nation during my years in Washington, the choice over whether to go to war in Iraq.
“The collapse of the administration’s rationales for war, which became apparent months after our invasion, should never have come as such a surprise. … In this case, the ‘liberal media’ didn’t live up to its reputation. If it had, the country would have been better served.”
Even some of the chapter titles are brutal: “The Permanent Campaign,” “Deniability,” “Triumph and Illusion,” “Revelation and Humiliation” and “Out of Touch.”
“I think the concern about liberal bias helps to explain the tendency of the Bush team to build walls against the media,” McClellan writes in a chapter in which he says he dealt “happily enough” with liberal reporters. “Unfortunately, the press secretary at times found himself outside those walls as well.”


May 29th, 2008 at 9:48 am
McClellan’s book is a long overdue and welcome look at the reality inside the Bush White House, a reality that is now confirmed to be just as ugly, if not uglier, than many critics have guessed.
If you look at historic antecedents — the courts of the later Chinese emperors and the Byzantine emperors of the late Middle Ages come to mind — there is, unfortunately, nothing surprising in McClellan’s account.
When there is an accumulation of unchecked power, as there has been in the American presidency over the last century, these kinds of abuses become standard operating procedure for the “ministers” and “courtiers.” The denizens and workings of the White House most closely resemble those of old Beijing and Constantinople, or the imperial court of ancient Rome.
While McClellan’s book is instructive on the particular venalities of the Bush White House, it would be a mistake, in my opinion, to believe that simply changing the occupants of the White House will make any significant difference. Precedents have long been set and abuses of power are virtually institutionalized in the presidency as it now exists.
It will require much more than the election of someone else as president to make the fundamental changes necessary to roll back the authoritarian trend in the federal government.
Chief among those changes will be for ordinary Americans to revise what seems to be our consensus that the president is a kind of elected god-king or messiah.